1. Do the changes overcome the bicameralism of the Italian parlament?
NO, the Senate, the upper house of Parliament, would remain but its powers would be drastically reduced. It would no longer be elected by direct, popular vote.
2. Does the reform reduce the cost of the political apparatus?
NO, the cut in Senate membership would reduce the costs of less than 10% of the current ones. If this was the problem, why not halving the membership in the lower house or reducing the salaries of the highest-paid members of parliament in Europe?
3. Was the reform process started by the Italian Parliament?
NO, it was started by the cabinet led by Mr. Renzi. This is unusual and controversial. A constituent father of the Italian Republic once said, "the government has neither to start a constitutional reform nor to interfere with its parliamentary discussion and the approving process". Both things were violated in this case.
4. Is it a legitimate reform?
NO, because the Parliament that approved the reform was elected by an electoral law (Porcellum) declared unconstitutional by the Italian Constitutional Court in January 2014.
5. Does the reform guarantee popular sovereignty?
NO, because along with the already approved electoral law (Italicum), it seizes the sovereignty to people to hand it to a parliamentarian minority, which due to a "doped seat bonus" will become majority and take control of all powers.
6. Does the reform simplify the legislative process?
NO, the law-making process would become much more complicated and confusionary, passing from 1 way to 12 ways for approving bills.
7. Is it an innovative reform?
NO, it strengthens the power of the central government, damaging the autonomy of territories by removing legislative powers along with financial support to them.
8. Does the reform extend the direct participation of people into politics?
NO, apart from eliminating the Italian members of the Senate elected outside of Italy, it reduces the opportunities for people living in Italy to participate to the national politics, for example by increasing the number of signatures to collect in order to propose a bill, from 50,000 to 150,000.
9. Does the reform guarantee a fair share of constitutional powers among different constitutional bodies?
NO, because it puts the "guarantee bodies" (President of the Republic, Constitutional Court) in the hand of a "fake" parliamentary majority, created through a huge "seat bonus" given to a relative majority, making it become an absolute majority.
10. Is the reform written in a clear and comprehensible language?
NO, it is written in a very unclear and incomprehensible language. For example, the current article 70 of the Italian Constitution counts of 9 words. The article 70 of the reform would have 439 words, which would make the Constitution much more difficult to be read and understood.
This is how the Italian prime minister explains his constitutional reform in English: